It is clear that the IDF is currently engaged in an
illegal military operation in Lebanon, at least as far as the
Fourth Geneva Convention is concerned. It is also true that in a technical sense, the damage being inflicted on the Lebanese is "disproportionate" to that which Hezbollah is inflicting on Israeli civilians (although this is more a matter of circumstance than intention on the part of Hezbollah). But there are several things I think critics of Israel's current engagement need to keep firmly in mind before entirely blaming them--both sides are causing problems which make a resolution to all the violence extremely difficult, if not impossible.
First of all, I think all reasonable parties would agree with the proposition that Hezbollah’s military capabilities, specifically its ability to launch thousands of missiles at major Israeli cities and kill and severely injure scores of civilians as well as destroy homes, needs to be neutralized. Further, Israel has no choice but to destroy Hezbollah itself--after all, this is an organization that defines itself as Israel's sworn enemy and exists to
hasten the county's destruction. If an organization, say al Qaeda, similarly declared itself dedicated to the US's destruction and proved it possessed both the will and capability to do significant harm to the country, surely the US would be justified in relentlessly pursuing al Qaeda's destruction. So, despite what many on the left seem to believe, I think Israel’s current assault on Lebanon is directed toward that goal, a goal that is necessary for the government to successfully reach in order to protect its civilians from attacks.
Of course, it is deplorable, and I think that all reasonable observers would agree with this as well, that hundreds of Lebanese are being killed (the number of civilians versus military/Hezbollah casualties is unclear) by IDF raids. It is debatable whether these attacks represent “collective punishment” for all Lebanese for their support of Hezbollah or whether these attacks are necessary to destroy a guerilla organization that survives by hiding in the midst of civilian populations.
This gets to the core problem with the Lebanon engagement, and the Hamas engagement in the West Bank (and to a lesser extent, Gaza) as well. If the civilian populations of the areas being decimated by Israeli air strikes would finally say “Enough is enough, these guerilla attacks by Hezbollah/Hamas are hurting us more than they are helping us” and end
their support for these terrorist groups’ activities, these terror groups would be degraded in a way Israel’s military will never be able to accomplish. It is a basic principle of guerilla war that the asymmetric advantages enjoyed by insurgents vanish when popular support for their cause is withdrawn. They are no longer able to hide among the civilian groups, and thus make much more obvious targets for the IDF.
It is understandable to an extent as to why both Hezbollah and Hamas maintain such a high degree of popularity in their respective homelands. Both groups provide critical humanitarian aid, such as
funding and operating hospitals, schools and other core social development purposes. Also, both groups have capitalized on the horrendous living conditions and bleak future prospects of their people and succeeded in casting the blame for its problems squarely on Israel and the West.
But what is truly fascinating is that even though the civilian populations realize that the terrorist attacks make their lives worse than they were before, and that the attacks will never succeed in leading to the elimination of Israel as a Jewish state, they still prefer to suffer the inevitable repercussions rather than have their suffering remain ignored by the rest of the world: In their minds, at least Hezbollah/Hamas attacks put the Palestinians on the front page of the news.
As long as these terrorist groups (as classified by the US, EU, etc) continue to have support from the civilian population, the civilian populations will continue to suffer greatly from Israel’s reprisals (whether they can be justified as an act of self-defense or not). This is an incontrovertible fact. And as long as the terrorist groups continue to be sheltered and supported by civilians and can
hide in their midst, it will remain pretty much impossible for them to be dismantled, just as the Iraqi insurgency has succeeded in blending into the countryside and regain their strength after each US-led assault. It’s why the US badly lost the war in Vietnam—because the guerillas maintained support from not only the North Vietnamese communists but from civilians in the south as well.
So is it right for Israel to destroy critical civilian infrastructure, like bridges, power plants and television stations, and strike dense civilian neighborhoods? Of course not, these are literally violations of humanitarian law and possibly crimes against humanity. But if Israel is intent in removing Hezbollah/Hamas (which make up a relatively small percentage of the Lebanese/Palestinian overall populations) and their capability to wantonly kill Israeli civilians in order to drum up media coverage for their causes, an intention for self-preservation any legitimate sovereign government would undoubtedly share, then what choice does Israel have but to attack these civilian areas the guerillas continue to use as a human shield? If the only way to defeat the terrorists is to attack the civilians they purposefully surround themselves with, then that is what Israel must and will do—while making every attempt to minimize civilian casualties as much as possible. If it can be demonstrated that these attacks on civilians and non-military infrastructure are not directly tied to destroying the terrorist groups but rather as part of a psychological war to drain civilian support from the terrorist causes as well as collectively punish everyone for the violent actions of a few, however, then these IDF attacks would be completely illegitimate and would constitute war crimes. As with most coverage of the Middle East in general and the Israel/Arab conflict in particular, views are extremely polarized and no one except the IDF generals and Olmert know for sure which is true. The first casualty of war is truth, and this is particularly apt in this case.
To conclude, I would argue that the people who have the greatest opportunity and responsibility to protect the lives and improve the prospects of the Palestinian and Lebanese civilians are these civilians themselves. They must overcome their legitimate fears of retribution and withdraw their support and protection from the terrorist groups which claim to be operating on their behalf, and instead support a campaign of nonviolent civil disobedience to protest Israel’s unfair treatment of those living under occupation. Doing so, they could have the potential to actually make their lives and the lives of their children better. Equally important, no matter how strongly or sincerely held the sentiment might be, the idea that through terrorist attacks Israel can be intimidated or pressured into returning land to Palestinians needs to be extinguished. It will never work, as history has proven time and again. These attacks might assuage Palestinians’ frustration at their powerlessness under Israeli military occupation, but it will only hurt them, not help them in either the short or long-term.
So in the end, the ball is not really in the IDF's court or Hezbollah's court, or the US's court or Syria or Iran's court. The key to Israel's Arab neighbors' future is really the decisions they make--to continue to condone terrorist attacks on Israel or embracing civil disobedience as an avenue for change. Despite Israel's military might, this is a decision that can not be imposed on them from without, they need to take on responsibility for their future. And supporting the existance of militant groups sworn to the destruction of Israel will only make their plight worse.
Update: Alan Dershowitz touches on the issue of civilian culpability in this
Los Angeles Times editorial. Although I agree with the substance of his argument, I don't see how his proposals for qualifying the innocence of various parties can be objectively implemented by a notoriously subjective and self-serving international media.
Unfortunately, I think Stephen Zunes is right in his
editorial that Israel's current offensive in Lebanon, while it may be necessary, will probably only serve to strengthen the influence of radical Islam and boost the popularity of Hezbollah. He notes:
"Not only is Israel's offensive against Lebanon illegal and immoral, it does not increase Israel's security or curb the threat of Islamic radicalism. In fact, it does the opposite. Hezbollah gained popular support in the Shiite community in recent decades largely as a result of the failure of the central government to protect the population from Israeli air and naval attacks and the mass kidnapping and imprisonment of thousands of young men. Israel's current offensive will only strengthen Hezbollah's appeal and undermine Lebanon's pro-Western government. This is not about Israel's legitimate right to self-defense. As with the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq, it will create far more terrorists than it destroys." Also of note is that Hezbollah was created during the Israeli occupation if Lebanon back in 1982.
Zunes is not your typical left-wing intellectual who criticizes Israel and justifies Arab/Muslim terrorism as a sort of knee-jerk reaction; I think he's a legitimate and moral authority on Middle East politics even though I disagree with some of the points he makes in the editorial. Particularly this paragraph:
"Most of the targets of the Israeli air strikes have nothing to do with Hezbollah, which does not control the Lebanese government and is only a minority party in the Lebanese parliament. Israel has bombed the Beirut International Airport, the main seaport of Juniyah and even the historic lighthouse on the Beirut esplanade, none of which is controlled by Hezbollah. Israel has also bombed bridges, power stations, civilian neighborhoods and villages miles from any Hezbollah militia. And, despite insisting that the Lebanese army take stronger action against the Hezbollah militia, the Israelis have bombed Lebanese army facilities as well."
And as this
Washington Post article makes clear, Hezbollah may not be able to be defeated militarily--with the most Israel may be able to accomplish is disarming the group but leaving its politically viable. So even if Israel continues its justifiable military campaign in Lebanon, can it eventually lead to the defeat of the terrorist group? Right now, US and Israeli experts seem to think the answer to that question is "no".
Dr. Zunes, unfortunately, does not consider the reality that Hezbollah hides their guerillas and weapons in civilian areas, instead assuming that any Israeli assault on a civilian site means it is attacking targets "that have nothing to do with Hezbollah."
More commentary from
Mort Zuckerman in
USNews & World Report. And I highly recommend this excellent article from the
San Francisco Chronicle which discusses Israel's military strategy in this campaign, which began to be developed after the IDF pulled out of Lebanon in 2004. And
Ze'ev Maoz writes in Haaretz that Israelis are fooling themselves by claiming they have the moral high ground in this conflict, and that it does not qualify as a "just war".